An important factor of sovereignty is its degree of absoluteness.   A sovereign power has absolute sovereignty if it is not constrained by a constitution, by the laws of its predecessors or by customary law, and if no area of law or politics is reserved as beyond its control. International law; the policies and actions of neighbouring countries; cooperation and respect for the population; means of implementation; And resources to implement policies are factors that could limit sovereignty. For example, parents are not guaranteed the right to decide on certain matters relating to the education of their children independently of social regulations, and municipalities do not have unlimited competence in local affairs, so that neither parents nor communities have absolute sovereignty. Theorists are divided on the desirability of an increase in the absolute. The other way sovereignty is restricted is through European integration. This idea also arose in response to the Holocaust, a catastrophe that many European leaders blamed, at least in part, on the lack of accountability of the sovereign state. Historically, the most enthusiastic advocates of European integration have indeed come from Catholic Christian Democratic parties whose ideals are rooted in medieval Christianity, where, at least theoretically, no leader was sovereign and all leaders were accountable to a universal canon of values. In the modern language of human rights and democracy, they reflect Pope Innocent X`s condemnation of the Peace of Westphalia. While the sovereign state occupied the European continent piece by piece in the early modern period, eventually forming the system that occupied the globe, contemporary political philosophers have adopted this form of politics and described what made it legitimate. They were not at the origin of the concept, because already in the Middle Ages, philosophers such as Dante and Marsilius of Padua advocated a separation of secular and religious power, which had to be achieved by transferring privileges into the hands of secular rulers.
Then, in the early modern period, there were two roughly contemporary philosophers who did not write explicitly or consciously about sovereignty, but whose ideas constituted important developments of the term. Machiavelli observed city-state politics in his Renaissance Italy and described what a prince had to do to promote a prosperous republic in terms that gave him the highest authority over his territory. Obviously, he could not be bound by natural law, canon law, the commandments of the gospel, or any other norms or authorities that bound the members of Christendom. On the contrary, he had to be willing to “not be good” and be willing to do evil, not because evil was no longer evil, but because it was sometimes necessary to promote a central goal for Machiavelli, a goal that boils down to the unifying idea of his thought: the strength and order of the state. The prince`s obligation was a raison d`être. He was supreme in the territory of the state and responsible for the welfare of this unique and unified body. The members of the movement are not a homogeneous group. What unites them is their belief that the federal government is illegitimate and that they have officially left their jurisdiction.
Members use a variety of means to swear allegiance to what they consider to be a legitimate jurisdiction. Many file legal opinions announcing their intention to change their citizenship. Others take an oral or written oath to the group they have joined and change their name to one approved by the group or its leaders. Although individuals claim that they are sovereign upon completion of these steps, none of these steps is a legal way to renounce U.S. citizenship, nor can the false nations they join give them legal citizenship. As his description of Hobbes suggests, Jouvenel views modern absolute sovereignty with great concern. “It is the idea itself that is dangerous,” he writes (198). But instead of demanding that the concept be overridden, he believes that sovereignty must be channeled in such a way that sovereign authority wants nothing more than what is legitimate. Far from being defined by the sovereign, morality has independent validity.
He appeals to the point of view of “Christian thinkers,” arguing that “it is.” Just wills and unjust wills” (201). “Authority” therefore implies “the obligation to order what is to be ordered” (201). This was the conception of the authority of the Ancien Régime, in which effective advisers to the monarch could direct his efforts towards the common good. What can the sovereign channel today? Jouvenel seems to doubt whether the legal or constitutional conception alone is sufficient. Rather, he bases his hopes on the common moral concepts of citizenship that constrain the sovereign`s decisions. Other modern philosophers have, of course, explicitly advocated the doctrine of sovereignty and are therefore more familiar with it. The French philosopher Jean Bodin was the first European philosopher to study the concept in detail. His concept of sovereignty was a central concept in his On the Republic, which he wrote in 1576, at a time when France was fragmented by civil war between the Calvinist Huguenots and the Catholic monarchy. He regarded the problem of order as central and did not believe that it could be solved by outdated medieval notions of a segmented society, but only by a concept in which rulers and the governed were integrated into a single, unified political politics that stood above all other human law and was, in fact, the source of human law. That concept was sovereignty. Only a supreme authority within a territory can strengthen a fragmented community. A republic is a form of government in which the people or a substantial part of them retain sovereignty over the government and in which the functions of the state are not conferred by inheritance.
  A common modern definition of a republic is a government with a head of state who is not a monarch.   European integration began in 1950, when six states created the European Coal and Steel Community in the Treaty of Paris. The Community established a common international authority over the coal and steel industries of these six countries, which included executive control by a permanent bureaucracy and a decision-making council composed of the foreign ministers of each state. The same model was extended to a general economic area in the Treaty of Rome in 1957. It was supplemented by a judicial body, the European Court of Justice, and a legislative body, the European Parliament, a directly elected pan-European body. Over time, European integration has broadened, since the institution now has twenty-seven members, and has deepened, as was the case in the Maastricht Treaty of 1991, which expanded the powers of the institution and transformed it into the European Union. Far from substituting itself for states, the European Union “regroups” important aspects of its sovereignty in a “supranational” institution in which its freedom of action is restricted (Keohane & Hoffman 1991). They are no longer absolutely sovereign.
In recent years, European integration has further developed in important respects. 1. In December 2009, the Treaty of Lisbon entered into force, strengthening sovereignty by strengthening the Council of Ministers and the European Parliament, creating a High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, representing a unified position of the European Union and making the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union legally binding. But European integration has also become a burden in recent years. A treaty establishing a Constitution for Europe was signed by EU Member States in 2004, but referendums in France and the Netherlands in 2005 rejected it and prevented its ratification.